There’s been (and I know this will kind of surprise you, but it’s true) a lot of analysis of the ways that the historical arc of the Republican Party has finally led us to a living elevator fart loudly arguing that we just shouldn’t bother holding the election because he wants to be President. People have talked about economic insecurity, racial animus, anti-Washington sentiment, sexism, misogyny, and a party apparatus that seemed bizarrely happy to bend to a knife at their own throats. But one of the things that I think hasn’t received enough attention is the way that the Republican victories of 2000 and 2002 paved the way for their eventual disarray and internal strife.
If you go back to the immediate aftermath of 9/11, you’ll no doubt remember a country that was pretty solidly united behind President George W. Bush. The 2002 elections gave the Republicans control of the House and Senate, as well as many state legislatures and governorships. Karl Rove, who was at that time tremendously influential in the party apparatus, decided to use this control as part of an ambitious scheme to give the Republicans a “permanent majority”, using detailed demographic information to redraw the political map in a way that made many districts so safe that any Republican could win them. (This scheme was furthered in 2010, by an additional round of redistricting, but it began in 2002.) At the time, this seemed like a plan to consolidate Republican control for generations to come…but I’d argue that it was, in outcome, a plan to permanently destroy the Republican Party. And we’re only now beginning to see how devastating it was.
Because the Republicans of the 90s, for all that they were already beginning to stoke the politics of racial resentment and mindless opposition to the Democrats on any issue, were also ferociously disciplined in getting their members to fall in line for a unified party agenda. Newt Gingrich…look, I can’t stand the man. I’m not saying I wouldn’t piss on him if he were on fire, but I will say that I probably would if he weren’t. But he was a very effective Speaker of the House, and he even managed to work with Democrats from time to time on genuinely bipartisan bills. The Republicans were not, as they are now, in constant danger of throwing coups against their own leadership for being insufficiently batshit fucking crazy.
What changed? Simple. Back in those days, the Republican Party had leverage over its own members. Republican representatives had to go back to their home districts every two years and campaign, and those campaigns required them both to be reasonably responsive to the needs of their constituents and to stay in the good graces of their party. Competitive campaigns cost money, usually more than a representative could raise on their own, and the Republican Party tended to remember at election time when someone was off on their own criticizing their party leaders and who was a good soldier. That party discipline was frustrating at times, because it meant that Democrats couldn’t appeal to the conscience of individual members to peel away their votes on key issues, but it also meant that the party couldn’t be hijacked by rogue factions.
Rove changed all that. By making safe districts in which Republicans no longer needed to worry about re-election, he ensured that the party apparatus had no control over its members. Republicans no longer had to care about whether the RNC would support them through a tough campaign, because there were no tough campaigns anymore. Instead, Republicans now had to deal with competitive primaries, where they faced challengers not from the left but from the right. This was a huge problem, because they’d spent the best part of two decades motivating the base to vote with increasingly paranoid and racist rhetoric in the sure and certain knowledge that they would be selecting the candidates that the base voted for.
Instead, the base is selecting their own candidates. Those candidates are now running in non-competitive seats, and frequently campaigning and voting against the very idea of the party establishment. They believe the rhetoric that was once cynically deployed in service of keeping the legislature in safe hands, and the Republicans are increasingly finding that they have no levers to pull to keep them in line. And now that Republican extremists are in power, they have more authority and a bigger spotlight from which to promote their positions. This leads to more extremist candidates standing for election, all the way up the ladder to the national Presidential race. Trump’s defeat of the GOP establishment can be directly traced back to this decision to make a “safe space” for right-wingers. The moderates, in the hopes of removing their obstacles to power, may have removed themselves as an obstacle to others instead.
Ironically, it may be Obama who winds up saving the Republican Party from their own worst elements. He’s already announced that his post-Presidential goals are to challenge the Republican drawn maps as gerrymandering and force them to create more representative districts once more. Perhaps when the ultra-right wingers are forced to contend with actual voters, we’ll see at least a moderate amount of sanity return to the Republican Party. Until then, the redistricting plan seems to be going down in history as a classic example of the old adage, “Be careful what you wish for…because you just might get it.”
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Some people think that Democrats must be delighted to watch the Republicans twitch and convulse on a spit. The truth is, anyone significantly invested in democracy would much rather have a system where both parties are contributing and bringing ideas to the table. Like it or hate it, we have a two-party system. If one party just curls up in a ball and starts sobbing uncontrollably, it’s not only embarrassing, it’s a huge detriment to getting anything done. Even if every Democratic idea were to get passed into law, we don’t have any system to thoroughly vet those ideas and weed out any problems. Our system just doesn’t work without two functioning parties, so (intelligent) Democrats are just as horrified as anyone by what’s happening to the Republicans.
I’ll second Jason’s sentiments. A nontrivial amount of our current challenges stem from a non-participating Republican party: Obamacare was a good first start, but the Republicans pitched a hissy fit “nyah nyah, we’re not doing anything” and the ACA holes started growing and growing. Ditto with our anemic economic growth, the federal budget, so many things in limbo.
I agree. As satisfactory as it might be for the Democrats right now watching the implosion of the GOP, they also know that in the long run, it’s not healthy for the country, or for them either.
I Like this argument, but I think it would be stronger with specifices.
Also, let’s run with David Wong’s argument that the vote for Trump is mostly rural. This also impacts your argument. For one thing, districting usually favours rural districts anyway, as they are less vote dense so their voters have more voting power per capita. For another, these people are suffering massively from a lack of economic recovery, which is almost certainly another factor in their choosing insane candidates who can come up with narratives to explain why they are being left behind.
Is the vote for Trump mostly rural? I keep hearing that the majority of Trump’s supporters are something like $70,000 a year.
I’ve been hearing his biggest demo is poor white males, but that might just be a fake narrative. Justin Wong provided a map that showed Republican support county by county, and it was obvious that only the dense population centers really supported the Democrats.
Redistricting gets used as a boogeyman to explain every political problem we have these days, but it’s hard to believe a few ridiculously gerrymandered districts overshadow basic demographic differences. Democrats clustering inefficiently in cities, older white voters disproportionately getting out the vote during midterms, the Senate inflating the representation of smaller states Democrats perform poorly in—these all probably impact elections more.
Heck, we could just as easily blame the internet. Every candidate since Howard Dean has been able to tap into small dollar donations at a massive scale, greatly reducing the influence parties have over their candidates.
I think that you can also put the Citizen’s United Decision in the ‘be careful what you wish for’ basket because it contributed its own bit to helping the extremists escape party control.
girma: If you’ve been following the shitshow in North Carolina, redistricting is absolutely what led to that.
So this kind of gerrymandering also means giving up some districts to the opposing party, right? So why aren’t the noncompetetive Dem districts (of which I’m sure there are many) sending similar radical lefties, borderline communists, democratic socialists, or Green party candidates to Congress? If your premise is true, shouldn’t we be seeing a similar thing happening from the left?
No. The grassroots far-right is a very different animal from the grassroots far-left, because America is still pretty friendly to general populist rhetoric but at the same time openly hostile to anything that the word ‘socialist’ might touch. There have absolutely been far-left attempts to hit the Democrats from their own side, but barring a very few cases, the base has rejected them pretty soundly — go too far left of center and you will see that seat become contested by either Republicans or another Democrat.
Or, in simpler terms, the Republican base is conservative, and you can often go more conservative. The Democrat base is liberal, and Phil Ochs nailed how liberals work.
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=u52Oz-54VYw
Corrin, I sometimes wonder the same thing, but I don’t think the anti-establishment sentiment is as large on the left as it is on the right (although the Bernie campaign shows it certainly exists). People might grumble about Congress, but in my Democratic enclave our senators and representative are very popular.
@Corrin: Because the extreme left simply isn’t as extreme as the extreme right. For the most part, I think it’s safe to say that the 50s and the 80s broke the radical Left in America to the point where current liberals and progressives simply don’t have a connection with them. The 50s made it impossible to be a big-c Communist, and the 80s (and 70s, really, when the government made violent splinter groups the face of the liberal movement) made it impossible to be a radical. There just isn’t any oxygen feeding that element of the progressive movement.
Whereas the radical right spent most of the 90s growing in influence due to talk radio, starting with Rush Limbaugh and proliferating through his various imitators. As an opposition party, the Republicans had the luxury of not worrying about the practical implications of their policy suggestions, so they were free to demand some pretty extremist stuff, and the base ate it up with a spoon. The Party establishment was happy to pretend it cared about those same issues, because it got the base motivated, but now they’re in the uncomfortable position of having to follow through on all their crazy ideas, conspiracy theories, unworkable economic policies, et cetera. I agree with Girma that redistricting isn’t the only problem the Republicans have–in all honesty, the roots of the Republican trainwreck go all the way back to the Great Depression, but I can only write so many words per blog post. 🙂
There’s something particularly beautiful in the way that this must have seemed like such a bargain. No longer would they have to spend money defending each district, the machine would grease itself! Not realizing that this took away their only control mechanism over undesirable behaviour, while at the same time ensuring that the worst sort of extremism would be rewarded.
And thus you get Assemblywoman Michele Fiore, and Presidential Nominee Donald Trump.
I don’t think a minority party can gerrymander its way into majority representation by creating ultra-safe districts for its own members: that packs too many of your voters into too few districts.
You have to do the opposite: pack the majority’s voters into as few districts as possible, leaving comfortable but not necessarily huge margins for your candidates in the rest.
@SqueakyRat: You’d need to look at the maps. These are literally drawn house-by-house to both pack the majority voters into very few districts and create large margins for their own people. It’s why Obama has made challenging the district maps his top priority post-election, because these are blatantly gerrymandered in a way that is illegal and unconstitutional.
There was an ep of a podcast about gerrymandering, and a book called “Ratfuck,” that made me want to build a map to demonstrate the problem. It’s on my to-do list.
I’ve got another adage that might apply here: “If you make a deal with the devil, don’t be surprised when he comes back around to collect.”